CAIR’s efforts are brimming with contradiction. The group and its allies repeatedly insist that the amendment is pointless because, they say, there is no chance of Islamic law coming to the U.S. Yet “why bother to go to the trouble and expense of filing suit against an absurd, unnecessary measure? After all, a law against a non-existent threat may be silly, but if there is no need for the law in the first place, there is no need to sue to overturn it,” as Robert Spencer writes.Adding to the irony is that past statements from CAIR’s own leaders have expressed a yearning for Islamic rule. “I wouldn’t want to create the impression that I wouldn’t like the government of the United States to be Islamic sometime in the future,” CAIR’s Ibrahim Hooper said in 1993. Similarly supremacist words have been attributed to CAIR founder Omar Ahmad.
CAIR’s position also may be counterproductive to its long-term goals. First, while peddling the “Islamophobia” meme by emphasizing hate crimes can tug on heartstrings, implicitly labeling the vast majority of voters as bigots alienates the public. Second, by taking an anti-anti-Shari’a stance, CAIR validates widespread fears about the group’s intentions and hands critics a club with which to beat it — an opportunity quickly seized by anti-Islamist Muslim Zuhdi Jasser, who accused CAIR of not supporting the separation of mosque and state.
Further, by launching a legal challenge that could drag on indefinitely, CAIR guarantees that Shari’a will garner far more news coverage than it otherwise would, with each story educating people about Islamic law and bringing unwanted attention to the stealth jihad.